Research


Book Manuscript

        Uncivil Societies: Why States Repress NGOs
Best Human Rights Dissertation, American Political Science Association, 2018
     
                  

In April 2017, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law reminiscent of Russia’s draconian 2012 ‘Foreign Agent’ law that sought to shut down foreign-funded organizations, including the Central European University. Shortly before that, a Chinese law adversely affected more than 7,000 non-governmental organizations (NGOs), with Beijing characterizing these groups as “black hands” working to undermine the government. Worryingly, these actions are not just limited to autocracies, but are also present in robust democratic states such as India. In 2014, the Indian government cancelled the licenses of over 9,000 NGOs, including the Ford Foundation and Greenpeace, designating the latter as ‘anti-nationals’. Despite this widespread crackdown on NGOs, as well as its appearances in headlines, systematic inquiry into this phenomenon has received little scholarly attention. Why do states perceive NGOs as costly or threatening to their interests? How do states weigh the costs and benefits of using violent and non-violent strategies of crackdown and under what conditions do they use one over the other to repress NGOs?

This book helps us understand why, when, and how states crack down on NGOs. It demonstrates that NGOs have the ability to influence electoral politics, aid mobilization, and threaten a state's economic and security interests. It shows that choice of crackdown against costly NGOs is dependent on two main factors: (1) the nature of the threat posed by these groups and (2) the international consequences of cracking down on them. Violent crackdown is more likely in the face of immediate threats, such as ongoing mobilization. However, states cannot use violence against all NGOs determined to be costly, because state agents may refuse to implement such orders, violence may increase the state’s criminal liability, reduce its legitimacy internationally, and violate human rights treaties or preferential trading agreements. It may also result in further mobilization of the population against the regime.

Given the costly nature of using violence to repress NGOs, states have sought alternate, less costly ways to control these groups. State adopt what I term ‘administrative crackdown’, which is the passage of legal restrictions to create barriers to entry, funding, and advocacy, or co-opting the NGO sector into the state apparatus. Besides overcoming the negative consequences associated with violence, administrative crackdown is a more efficient long-term strategy to deal with costly NGOs. The book shows states are more likely to undertake administrative crackdown as a longer-term strategy, especially in dealing with threats preventively. This is the case when NGOs have the potential to challenge key economic interests of the state, influence electoral participation, or threaten mobilization.




Publications and Working Papers

Please email me for a copy of any of my publications and working papers.

Suparna Chaudhry. (2019). Bridging the Gap: The Relationship between INGO Activism and Human Rights Indicators. Journal of Human Rights, 18:1, 111-133,
DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2019.1579638 (PDF)

This article explores the tension between the production of ‘naming and shaming’ reports as tools of activism by international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and the usage of these reports as cross-national indicators of human rights violations. Since INGOs are strategic actors, their reports are not a reflection of the “true” levels of abuse. While existing scholarship has raised this issue in relation to bias in cross-national indicators, it has yet to explain the process by which NGO produce reports. This article exploits subnational variation across domestic and international NGOs within India, showing how the divergence in their reports can be explained by these groups’ organizational structure, probability of success in their chosen issue areas, and their target audience. By explaining how human rights NGOs produce reports, this article concludes with suggestions to ensure that the biases prevalent in a single source of data do not drive the results of future scholarship.

"The Assault on Civil Society: Explaining State Repression of NGOs" (Revise & Resubmit, International Organization)
Best Paper, Human Rights Section, International Studies Association Conference 2017

Under what conditions do governments repress non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? Donors frequently channel foreign aid and democracy assistance to NGOs in developing countries. However, I find that more than 130 states have repressed these groups within the last three decades, suggesting that a broad range of states perceive them as costly. The choice of crackdown (violent or non-violent via legal restrictions) against these costly NGOs is dependent on two main factors: (1) the nature of threat posed by these groups and (2) the consequences of cracking down on them. Violent crackdown is useful in the face of immediate domestic threats, such as protests. However, violence may increase the state's criminal liability, reduce its legitimacy, violate human rights treaties, and further mobilize the population against the regime. Therefore, states are more likely to use non-violent crackdown, especially in dealing with long-term threats, such as when NGOs challenge key economic interests of a state or influence electoral politics. I test this theory using an original large-N dataset of non-violent crackdown against NGOs, as well as violent crackdown on NGO activists across all countries from 1990-2013. To shed light on the strategic decision between using violent and non-violent repression, I look at the case of India. I conclude by discussing the implications of this crackdown on donors, domestic NGOs, and citizens in developing countries.

"How Rebellion Shapes Military Recruitment During Civil War," with Sabrina Karim and Matt Scroggs (Revise & Resubmit, Journal of Peace Research)

What factors affect leaders' recruitment decisions during civil wars? While existing research emphasizes structural factors, we posit that both leaders' disposition and conflict dynamics influence recruitment decisions. We argue that leaders with prior experience in either the security sector or with combat are more risk-averse and consequently less likely to make changes to recruitment, while leaders who briefly served in the military are more risk-acceptant, and thus more likely to make changes to recruitment. At the same time, rebel recruitment strategy also matters, as state leaders take cues from rebels in violating human rights. Using the LEAD Dataset and data on recruitment from 1980-2009, we find that when leaders were previously career officers in the police or the military, they are less likely to make changes to recruitment strategies. We also find that rebels’ use of forced recruitment in ongoing civil wars makes leaders less likely to use voluntary recruitment.

"Are Donors Really Responding? Analyzing the Impact of Global Restrictions on NGOs", with Andrew Heiss. PDF. (under review)

Foreign donors—both state and private—routinely use nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to deliver foreign aid. However, states are increasingly relying on repressive legislation to repress NGOs within their borders. How have foreign aid donors responded to this legal crackdown on NGOs? Using original data from all countries that received aid from 1981–2012, we assess the impact of anti-NGO laws on total flows of official foreign aid, the nature of projects funded by this aid, and the channels used for distributing this aid. Overall, we find that donors scale back their operations in repressive countries. However, rather than completely withdraw, we find that donors redirect funds within restrictive countries by decreasing funds for politically sensitive issues and channel more aid through domestic rather than foreign NGOs. While our findings challenge existing notions of foreign aid running on “autopilot,” they also have worrying implications for Western donors and domestic NGOs working on contentious issues. 


"Charity During Crackdown: Analyzing the Impact of State Repression of NGOs on Philanthropy," with Andrew Heiss. PDF. (under review)

State crackdown on non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly through legal restrictions on funding and advocacy, has become increasingly pervasive across the globe. How do legal restrictions on NGOs impact patterns of private philanthropic giving and individual donor decision-making? With reduced funding for NGOs working on contentious issues, and an absence of philanthropic culture in various developing countries, many NGOs rely on funds from private donors inWestern countries. Existing research has predominantly focused on individual-level determinants  of philanthropy. However, we argue that domestic political environments of NGO host countries can also influence preferences of foreign private donors, and that crackdown on NGOs serve as a heuristic to donors of organizational deservingness. Using a survey experiment, we explore how this crackdown changes donors’ preferences based on the issue area and funding sources of the NGO. We find that while crackdowns do not directly influence the likelihood of donation on their own, donors are willing to donate substantially more to legally besieged NGOs abroad. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results on the sustainability of civil society organizations working in repressive countries.




Works in-progress

"Political Scientists Experiences During Fieldwork" (with Sabrina Karim)

“Who’s Afraid of the Activists? Causes and Consequences of the Global Crackdown on NGOs," with Andrew Heiss in Beyond the Boomerang, edited by Elizabeth Bloodgood and Christopher Pallas (under review)

"Why Donors Donate: Disentangling Organizational and Structural Heuristics for International Philanthropy" (with Marc Dotson and Andrew Heiss)