Book Manuscript

        Uncivil Societies: Why States Repress NGOs
Best Human Rights Dissertation, American Political Science Association, 2018

In April 2017, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law reminiscent of Russia’s draconian 2012 ‘Foreign Agent’ law that sought to shut down foreign-funded organizations, including the Central European University. A year ago, a Chinese law adversely affected more than 7,000 organizations, characterizing many NGOs as “black hands” working to undermine the government. Worryingly, these actions are not just limited to autocracies. In 2014, the Indian government cancelled the licenses of over 9,000 NGOs, including the Ford Foundation and Greenpeace, designating the latter as ‘anti-nationals’. Given this widespread crackdown on NGOs, as well as its appearances in headlines, systematic inquiry into this phenomenon has received little scholarly attention. Why do state perceive NGOs as costly or threatening to their interests? Under what conditions do states choose to crack down on NGOs using violent or non-violent strategies? 

This book helps us understand why, when, and how states crack down on NGOs. It demonstrates that NGOs have the ability to influence electoral politics, aid mobilization, and threaten a state's economic and security interests. It shows that choice of crackdown against costly NGOs is dependent on two main factors: the nature of threat posed by these groups (immediate or long-term) and the consequences of cracking down on them. Violent crackdown is more likely in the face of immediate threats, such as ongoing mobilization and when NGOs pose a threat to a state’s security interests. However, states cannot use violence against all NGOs that they deem threatening, as this strategy may backfire and reduce the state’s legitimacy, violate human rights treaties, and further mobilize the population against the regime.

Given the costly nature of using violence as a tool to control NGOs, states have sought alternate, less costly ways to control NGOs. State adopt what I term “administrative crackdown’ (or non-violent crackdown), which entails enacting legal restrictions to create barriers to entry, funding, and advocacy, or attempts to co-opt the NGO sector into the state apparatus. Administrative crackdown overcomes the negative consequences of violence. The book shows that states are more likely to adopt administrative crackdown as a long-term strategy, especially in dealing with pre-emptive threats. This is the case when NGOs challenge key economic interests of a state, influence electoral participation, or threaten mobilization.

Evidence in support of my argument includes two original large-N datasets on state repression of NGOs using violence and administrative crackdown, along with a series of in-depth case studies of India and Nepal, based on my fieldwork in these countries between 2012 and 2015. I also interview officials at several influential INGOs such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, The Carter Center, National Democratic Institute, The Ford Foundation, among others.


Publications and Working Papers

Working papers available upon request

Suparna Chaudhry. (2019). Bridging the Gap: The Relationship between INGO Activism and Human Rights Indicators. Journal of Human Rights, 18:1, 111-133,
DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2019.1579638 (PDF)

This article explores the tension between the production of ‘naming and shaming’ reports as tools of activism by international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and the usage of these reports as cross-national indicators of human rights violations. Since INGOs are strategic actors, their reports are not a reflection of the “true” levels of abuse. While existing scholarship has raised this issue in relation to bias in cross-national indicators, it has yet to explain the process by which NGO produce reports. This article exploits subnational variation across domestic and international NGOs within India, showing how the divergence in their reports can be explained by these groups’ organizational structure, probability of success in their chosen issue areas, and their target audience. By explaining how human rights NGOs produce reports, this article concludes with suggestions to ensure that the biases prevalent in a single source of data do not drive the results of future scholarship.

"The Assault on Civil Society: Explaining State Repression of NGOs" (Revise & resubmit, International Organization)
Best Paper, Human Rights Section, International Studies Association Conference 2017

Under what conditions do governments repress non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? Donors frequently prefer NGOs for channeling foreign aid and democracy assistance to developing countries, but I find that almost 120 states have repressed these groups within the last two decades, suggesting that a broad range of states perceive them as costly. I posit that this is due to NGOs’ ability to challenge a state’s economic and security interests, aid domestic mobilization, and influence electoral politics. The choice of crackdown (violent or non-violent via legal restrictions) against these costly NGOs is dependent on two main factors: (1) the nature of threat posed by these groups and (2) the consequences of cracking down on them. Violent crackdown is useful in the face of immediate domestic threats, such as protests. However, violence may increase the state's criminal liability, reduce its legitimacy, violate human rights treaties, and further mobilize the population against the regime. Therefore, states prefer non-violent crackdown, especially in dealing with long-term threats, such as when NGOs challenge key economic interests of a state, influence electoral participation, or threaten mobilization. I test my theory using an original large-N dataset of legal restrictions adopted against NGOs to create barriers to entry, funding, and political activities across all developing countries from 1990-2013 and a case study of India to leverage threat variation across NGOs working in different issue areas. I conclude by discussing the implications of this crackdown on donors, domestic NGOs, and citizens in developing countries.

"How Rebellion Shapes Military Recruitment During Civil War," with Sabrina Karim and Matt Scroggs (Revise & resubmit, Journal of Peace Research)

What factors affect leaders' recruitment decisions during civil wars? While existing research emphasizes structural factors, we posit that both leaders' disposition and conflict dynamics influence recruitment decisions. We argue that leaders with prior experience in either the security sector or with combat are more risk-averse and consequently less likely to make changes to recruitment, while leaders who briefly served in the military are more risk-acceptant, and thus more likely to make changes to recruitment. At the same time, rebel recruitment strategy also matters, as state leaders take cues from rebels in violating human rights. Using the LEAD Dataset and data on recruitment from 1980-2009, we find that when leaders were previously career officers in the police or the military, they are less likely to make changes to recruitment strategies. We also find that rebels’ use of forced recruitment in ongoing civil wars makes leaders less likely to use voluntary recruitment.

"Charity During Crackdown: Analyzing the Impact of State Repression of NGOs on Philanthropy," with Andrew Heiss (under review)

State crackdown on non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly through legal restrictions on funding, has become increasingly common. How do legal restrictions on NGOs impact patterns of private philanthropic giving and individual donor decision-making? With reduced funding for NGOs working on contentious issues, and an absence of philanthropic culture in many developing countries, many NGOs rely on funds from private donors in Western countries. Using a survey experiment, we explore how this crackdown changes donors’ preferences based on the issue area and funding sources of the NGO. We find that private donors are responsive to the legal difficulties international NGOs face abroad and are more likely to donate to legally besieged privately funded human rights NGOs. Additionally, already-likely donors give substantially more to legally restricted NGOs working on humanitarian issues. We conclude by discussing the implications for the sustainability of NGOs working abroad.

"Are Donors Really Responding? Analyzing the Impact of Global Restrictions on NGOs", with Andrew Heiss (under review)

Foreign donors—both state and private—routinely use nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to deliver foreign aid. However, states are increasingly relying on repressive legislation to repress NGOs within their borders. How have foreign aid donors responded to this legal crackdown on NGOs? Using original data from all countries that received aid from 1981–2012, we assess the impact of anti-NGO laws on total flows of official foreign aid, the nature of projects funded by this aid, and the channels used for distributing this aid. Overall, we find that donors scale back their operations in repressive countries. However, rather than completely withdraw, we find that donors redirect funds within restrictive countries by decreasing funds for politically sensitive issues and channel more aid through domestic rather than foreign NGOs. While our findings challenge existing notions of foreign aid running on “autopilot,” they also have worrying implications for Western donors and domestic NGOs working on contentious issues. 

"State Crackdown on Civil Society: A Look at Election Monitoring Groups"

State repression of civil society groups, particularly non-governmental organizations (NGOs), has been ubiquitous across the world over the last few decades. However, little systematic data exists on this topic due to the difficulties involved in measuring this phenomenon. To get traction on this issue, this article proposes looking at specific issue areas in which NGOs function, which offers scholars two advantages. First, it allows comparison of state reactions to international and domestic civil society groups working in the same context. Second, it enables an understanding of the various strategies of crackdown used by states and the payoffs involved in using them. The dataset introduced in this article systematically looks at data on state strategies of violent and non-violent repression, as well as cooptation of NGOs working in one particular issue area - election monitoring. In doing so, it looks at both international and domestic election monitors that have observed elections all legislative and executive elections across all developing countries from 1990 to 2013. In combination with other datasets, this dataset allows for further empirical study of the patterns and causes of state crackdown on NGOs and its consequences for credibility of elections, democratization, and foreign aid. The data can also be used to study authoritarian regime resilience, including autocratic attempts to weaken civil society, authoritarian learning, and diffusion of state strategies of crackdown

Works in-progress

"Political Scientists Experiences During Fieldwork" (with Sabrina Karim)

"Why Donors Donate: Disentangling Organizational and Structural Heuristics for International Philanthropy" (with Marc Dotson and Andrew Heiss)